The Anti-Greek and Bloody Pogrom "Septemvriana", September 6, 1955

ΕΛΛΗΝΙΚΑ

The term "Septemvriana" refers to the organized pogrom that occurred on the night of September 6, 1955, in Istanbul. A Turkish mob, driven by nationalist sentiment, attacked the properties of the Greek (Rûm) and Armenian communities, both of whom were Turkish citizens, as well as other non-Muslim minorities. Greek shops, homes, schools, and churches were looted and set on fire, with cemeteries desecrated, creating a climate of terror and insecurity for these communities. The trigger for this violence was a bombing at the birthplace of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in Thessaloniki, later proven to be a staged provocation by the Turkish government.

The Status of the Greek Minority in Istanbul (1923-1947)

By 1927, three years after the signing of the Treaty of Lausanne, the Greek minority in Istanbul had dwindled to about 100,000 people, along with 26,000 Greek citizens. In 1924, just months after the treaty was signed, the Greek population in greater Istanbul was estimated at 298,000. Those Greeks who remained were supposed to be protected under various provisions of the treaty.

However, immediately after the signing of the Treaty of Lausanne, Turkey began to systematically limit the rights granted to Greeks, blatantly violating several articles. Various pressures were exerted on the minorities and the Ecumenical Patriarchate. Despite these violations, there was little reaction from the Greek state, with few exceptions. Some of the measures taken against the Greek minority included arbitrary deportations, bans on practicing certain professions, property seizures, and interference in the governance of community institutions.

One of the most severe policies was the conscription of 20 classes of Greek men aged 25 to 45 into labor battalions (amele taburları) in 1941. These men were forced into grueling labor under extreme conditions in remote parts of Turkey.

The harshest measure was the "wealth tax" (varlık vergisi), a law that disproportionately targeted minorities. This tax was often set at double or even triple the total value of a person’s assets. Failure to pay within 15 days resulted in the seizure of all movable and immovable property. After 30 days, the debtor would be sent to labor camps. This law led to the confiscation of many properties from Greeks, forcing them to sell at extremely low prices. Many were sent to Anatolia for forced labor, where some perished under terrible conditions. Although the Greek population made up less than 0.5% of Turkey's total population, they were required to pay 20% of the total tax.

Greek Minority's Recovery (1947-1955)

Following World War II and especially after 1947, Turkey relaxed its harsh measures against the Greek minority. Greece was among the victorious powers of the war, while Turkey had maintained a neutral stance favorable to Nazi Germany. As Turkey's international position weakened, it began to ease restrictions, especially after both Greece and Turkey joined NATO in 1952.

During this period, the Greek community reorganized its cultural, educational, and charitable institutions. Despite the limitations imposed, the community thrived economically and socially. However, this revival only intensified the hostility of the Turkish government and the local population.

Prelude to the Pogrom

Tensions escalated in 1954 when the Cyprus issue was reignited. With British encouragement, Turkey became actively involved in the debate over Cyprus. Turkish nationalist organizations, such as "Cyprus is Turkish" (KTC), were formed and supported by the government. These groups played a significant role in stirring anti-Greek sentiment, particularly in connection with the armed struggle of the EOKA in Cyprus, which began on April 1, 1955.

By late August 1955, signs of impending violence emerged. On August 28, during a church service, Turkish mobs attacked two churches under the indifferent gaze of the police. The organized pogrom that followed on September 6 marked the culmination of growing hostility.

The Events Leading Up to September 6-7, 1955

On September 3, the wife of the Turkish Consul in Thessaloniki called a Greek photographer and asked him to take pictures of the consulate's courtyard. The consulate is located next to an old house, which is believed to be the birthplace of Mustafa Kemal. She requested the photos as a "souvenir" because she was scheduled to leave for Turkey the following day.

In the midnight hours between September 5th and 6th, 1955, a bomb exploded in the garden of the Turkish Consulate in Thessaloniki, causing only minor damage to the glass windows of the nearby "house of Kemal." Investigations conducted by the Greek authorities later confirmed, and it was proven during the 1961 trials of the events' instigators on the island of Yassiada (Plati), that the bomb had been transported from Turkey by a Turkish agent (a Greek citizen from Komotini) and planted by a Turkish consulate clerk.

The Arrest of Oktay Engin and Turkish Media Involvement

Following the attack on the consulate, a Muslim student from Komotini was arrested by Greek authorities. He was later honored in Turkey and even appointed as a provincial governor, while claiming he had been framed by the Greeks.

At 4:00 PM, the Turkish newspaper Istanbul Ekspres released a special edition, publishing heavily altered photographs of the Turkish Consul's wife to create the false impression that a massive explosion, caused by Greeks, had occurred at the home of "the father of the Turks." This event served as the catalyst for the outbreak of the organized anti-Greek riots in Istanbul, known as the "Septemvriana of 1955."

The Turkish newspapers exploited the event, and following what was later revealed as government directives, they reported on a "terrible explosion that nearly demolished Kemal's house." The newspaper Istanbul Ekspres even went as far as publishing a series of doctored photographs.

The media of the neighboring country had taken on the role of laying the groundwork for what was to follow...

The Anti-Greek and Bloody Pogrom of September 6-7, 1955
As soon as the signal was given, the enraged Turkish mob flooded the streets of the city, looting everything Greek. However, the so-called "outraged" Turkish citizens did not act spontaneously. The plan had been meticulously crafted in complete secrecy. It is notable that, while many ordinary Turks undoubtedly disapproved of what was done against the Greeks, none revealed any details of the plan to their Greek friends, except in a few rare cases where vague warnings were given about "something bad" that was going to happen during those days.

Το σχέδιο είχε άρτια οργανωθεί, αφού μέρες ή και εβδομάδες πριν στρατολογήθηκαν άτομα από την Μικρά Ασία και την Ανατολική Θράκη – εκτός των Κωνσταντινουπολιτών Τούρκων, μεταφέρθηκαν με σιδηροδρόμους, ταξί, λεωφορεία και πλοία, εφοδιάστηκαν με ρόπαλα, αξίνες, λοστούς, βενζίνη, δυναμίτιδα, ενώ παρεσχέθη στους επίδοξους ταραχοποιούς τροφή και κατάλυμα για μία ή δύο ημέρες. Ακόμη συντάχθηκαν οι κατάλογοι των επικείμενων στόχων σε κάθε συνοικία και σημαδεύτηκαν την κατάλληλη στιγμή τα ελληνικά κτήρια. Τέλος, εκπαιδεύτηκαν οι αστυνομικοί και στρατιώτες με πολιτικά που θα ελάμβαναν μέρος στη λεηλασία και θα κατηύθυναν το πλήθος, ενώ αργότερα θα έπαιζαν τον ρόλο των ειρηνοποιών.

Around 5 p.m. on September 6, a frenzied mob of 50,000 people began to march against Greek properties in the Pera district. Armed with axes, shovels, clubs, pickaxes, hammers, iron rods, and gasoline cans, they moved forward. For hours, they smashed and burned Greek-owned properties, shouting slogans such as "Death to the infidels," "Break it down, it's infidel property," "Slaughter the Greek traitors," "Down with Europe," and "Let’s march on Athens and Thessaloniki."

Throughout all these hours, until the early morning of September 7, while the mob was destroying everything Greek, the police and military were absent and did not intervene at any point, as per government orders. Only after the Turks had "defended" Kemal's "honor" did Menderes instruct the military to intervene.

According to a report in the August 12, 2008 edition of the newspaper Radikal, the events of September 6-7, 1955, against the Greeks of Istanbul were organized by the Special Warfare Department (Özel Harp Dairesi). This department was a mechanism established by NATO to counter the communist threat.

And to think that during that time, Greece was protesting and asking NATO to intervene.

The initial gatherings and speeches began around 4:30 p.m., with the first riots starting around 5:30 p.m. Naturally, the timing of the Turkish attacks varied from neighborhood to neighborhood. Attacks against Greeks and their properties occurred on both the European and Asian sides of Istanbul, as well as on the islands of Halki and Prinkipo, carried out by Turks who were transported there by boats.

Moving with military discipline, the Turkish mob, numbering in the tens of thousands, targeted every Greek element. Within approximately nine hours (as vandalism continued even after the declaration of martial law past midnight), 1,004 homes were completely destroyed, while around 2,500 others sustained extensive damage. Additionally, 4,348 shops, 27 pharmacies, 26 schools, 5 cultural associations, the facilities of 3 newspapers, 12 hotels, 11 clinics, 21 factories, 110 confectioneries and restaurants, and 73 churches were destroyed. Numerous graves in 2 cemeteries and the tombs of patriarchs in the Balıklı Monastery were also desecrated.

A small number of Armenian and Jewish properties were also attacked, including some Armenian churches and a Jewish synagogue.

At least 30 Greeks were killed, and hundreds were brutally assaulted. The Greek community estimates that around 2,000 rapes occurred, although only 200 were officially reported.

Particular hatred was directed towards clergy, many of whom were severely beaten, others stripped and paraded, forced to shout: “Cyprus is Turkish.” There are reports of at least one clergyman being subjected to forced circumcision. Bishop Pamphilus Gerasimos and the elderly monk Chrysostomos Mantas were beaten to death, while Metropolitan Gennadios of Ilioupolis went mad from the beatings and died shortly after.

The Economic Impact of the Riots

Within a few hours, Greek economic activity was almost entirely destroyed, as homes, properties, and institutions of the Greek community were plundered. Thousands of Greeks were left literally only with the clothes they were wearing, as their homes were ravaged with unprecedented fury or everything was stolen—from household utensils and food to beds, sofas, and expensive jewelry. Approximately 8,700 people were left unemployed, as the businesses where they worked were destroyed.

Although initial estimates by Turkish and foreign banks reported damages in the range of one or two billion Turkish lira, by February 1956 the Turkish government significantly reduced the amount, estimating the total damage at 69,578,744 Turkish lira, or approximately 25 million dollars.

The World Council of Churches estimated that the damage to churches alone exceeded $150 million at the time. British diplomats estimated the total damage at around $200 million, while the Greek government assessed it at $500 million. French author and Sorbonne professor François Crouzet, in his book Le Conflit de Chypre, estimated the damages at $300 million, which would equate to over $1 billion in today’s (2008) dollars.

The Economic Aspect of the Riots

In a matter of hours, Greek economic activity was nearly entirely destroyed as Greek-owned homes and properties, along with community institutions, were looted. Thousands of Greeks were left with nothing but the clothes they wore, as their homes were violently ransacked or robbed of everything from household goods and food to beds, sofas, and valuable jewelry. Approximately 8,700 people were left unemployed, as the businesses they worked for were destroyed.

Initial estimates from Turkish and foreign banks projected damages in the range of one or two billion Turkish lira. However, by February 1956, the Turkish government significantly reduced this figure to 69,578,744 Turkish lira, approximately $25 million. This amounted to less than 1% of the estimated value of the damage. Many claimants received no compensation whatsoever, and some business owners, who had lost everything and thus had incurred losses that year, were even required to pay taxes on their profits.

The Greek Government's Response

The Greek government's response to the events of September 6-7, 1955, was at best lukewarm and at worst nonexistent. This was partly due to the severe illness of Prime Minister Alexandros Papagos, leaving the government essentially headless. Additionally, there were significant allied pressures, especially from U.S. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, who urged both sides to show restraint and reconcile.

Following Konstantinos Karamanlis's appointment as Prime Minister on October 6, 1955, and Greece's withdrawal from NATO exercises in the Mediterranean, Ankara was compelled to provide a minimal moral satisfaction to Greece. On October 24, Turkey honored the Greek flag at a special ceremony at NATO headquarters in Smyrna, raised by the Turkish Foreign Minister. Simultaneously, as anti-Greek riots erupted in Istanbul, Turkish mobs in Smyrna attacked and destroyed the small church of St. Fotini, which served Greek officers stationed there, looted their homes, and harassed several of them.

The Handling of Lower-Level Perpetrators by Turkish Justice

Following the anti-Greek riots, the Turkish government attempted to attribute the organization of the incidents to "communist agents," with the police arresting 3,151 people. Ultimately, 17 individuals remained in custody for four to six months: nine members of Kıbrıs Türktür, six students, and two editors of İstanbul Ekspres. In the subsequent trial, six members of the Smyrna branch of Kıbrıs Türktür were also tried. On January 24, 1957, the Istanbul criminal court acquitted all 23 defendants.

The Fate of the Principal Organizers of the Pogrom

Among the members of the Menderes government involved in organizing the anti-Greek pogrom were Prime Minister Adnan Menderes, President of the Republic Celal Bayar, former Foreign Minister Mehmet Fuad Köprülü, Foreign Minister Fatin Rüştü Zorlu, Interior Minister Namık Gedik, Defense Minister Ethem Menderes, and Istanbul Governor Fahrettin Kerim Gökay.

On May 27, 1960, a group of officers led by General Cemal Gürsel took power and put 592 members and collaborators of the Democratic Party on trial. Many of these individuals faced multiple trials. One of the significant trials was that for the Pogrom of September 6-7, 1955. Gedik committed suicide shortly after the coup. Bayar and Ethem Menderes were not tried for their involvement in organizing the pogrom, while Köprülü was acquitted. Gökay was merely stripped of his political rights. Only Menderes and Zorlu were found guilty and sentenced to six years in prison. Notably, Menderes received a 14-year and 2-month prison sentence for another, much less significant charge of embezzlement. Despite being sentenced to death and executed by hanging on Imralı Island in September 1961, Menderes and Zorlu were primarily condemned for violations of the Turkish Constitution.

The Turkish consuls in Thessaloniki, the janitor of the Consulate who planted the bomb, and the student Oktay Egin who transported the bomb to Thessaloniki were acquitted. Egin was later appointed General Director of State Security and subsequently as Governor of Nevşehir in Cappadocia.

Hikmet Bil, the president of the association "Cyprus is Turkish," testified in court as a witness for the prosecution. Later, he was sent by the Turkish government as a press attaché at the Turkish Embassy in Beirut.